Unless We Accept The Claim That Lenins Coup Detat Gave Birth Essays

"Unless we accept the claim that Lenin's coup d'etat gave birth to an entirely new state, and indeed to a new era in the history of mankind, we must recognize in today's Soviet Union the old empire of the Russians -- the only empire that survived into the mid 1980's" (Luttwak, 1). In their Communist Manifesto of 1848, Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels applied the term communism to a final stage of socialism in which all class differences would disappear and humankind would live in harmony. Marx and Engels claimed to have discovered a scientific approach to socialism based on the laws of history. They declared that the course of history was determined by the clash of opposing forces rooted in the economic system and the ownership of property. Just as the feudal system had given way to capitalism, so in time capitalism would give way to socialism. The class struggle of the future would be between the bourgeoisie, who were the capitalist employers, and the proletariat, who were the workers. The struggle would end, according to Marx, in the socialist revolution and the attainment of full communism (Groiler's Encyclopedia). Socialism, of which "Marxism-Leninism" is a takeoff, originated in the West. Designed in France and Germany, it was brought into Russia in the middle of the nineteenth century and promptly attracted support among the country's educated, public-minded elite, who at that time were called intelligentsia (Pipes, 21). After Revolution broke out over Europe in 1848 the modern working class appeared on the scene as a major historical force. However, Russia remained out of the changes that Europe was experiencing. As a socialist movement and inclination, the Russian Social-Democratic Party continued the traditions of all the Russian Revolutions of the past, with the goal of conquering political freedom (Daniels 7). As early as 1894, when he was twenty-four, Lenin had become a revolutionary agitator and a convinced Marxist. He exhibited his new faith and his polemical talents in a diatribe of that year against the peasant-oriented socialism of the Populists led by N.K. Mikhiaiovsky (Wren, 3). While Marxism had been winning adherents among the Russian revolutionary intelligentsia for more than a decade previously, a claimed Marxist party was bit organized until 1898. In that year a"congress" of nine men met at Minsk to proclaim the establishment of the Russian Social Democratic Worker's Party. The Manifesto issued in the name of the congress after the police broke it up was drawn up by the economist Peter Struve, a member of the moderate "legal Marxist" group who soon afterward left the Marxist movement altogether. The manifesto is indicative of the way Marxism was applied to Russian conditions, and of the special role for the proletariat (Pipes, 11). The first true congress of the Russian Social Democratic Workers' Party was the Second. It convened in Brussels in the summer of 1903, but was forced by the interference of the Belgian authorities to move to London, where the proceedings were concluded. The Second Congress was the occasion for bitter wrangling among the representatives of various Russian Marxist Factions, and ended in a deep split that was mainly caused by Lenin -- his personality, his drive for power in the movement, and his "hard" philosophy of the disciplined party organization. At the close of the congress Lenin commanded a temporary majority for his faction and seized upon the label "Bolshevik" (Russian for Majority), while his opponents who inclined to the "soft" or more democratic position became known as the "Mensheviks" or minority (Daniels, 19). Though born only in 1879, Trotsky had gained a leading place among the Russian Social-Democrats by the time of the Second party Congress in 1903. He represented ultra-radical sentiment that could not reconcile itself to Lenin's stress on the party organization. Trotsky stayed with the Menshevik faction until he joined Lenin in 1917. From that point on, he acomidated himself in large measure to Lenin's philosophy of party dictatorship, but his reservations came to the surface again in the years after his fall from power (Stoessinger, 13). In the months after the Second Congress of the Social Democratic Party Lenin lost his majority and began organizing a rebellious group of Bolsheviks. This was to be in opposition of the new majority of the congress, the Menshiviks, led by Trotsky. Twenty-two Bolsheviks, including Lenin, met in Geneva in August of 1904 to promote the idea of the highly disciplined party and to urge the reorganization of the whole Social-Democratic movement on Leninist lines (Stoessinger, 33). The differences between Lenin and the Bogdanov group of revolutionary romantics came to its peak in 1909. Lenin denounced the otzovists, also known

Unmarried Women Are More Politically Liberal. Heres Why.

Unmarried Women Are More Politically Liberal. Heres Why. Theres long been evidence that unmarried women are more politically liberal than married ones, but theres never been a good explanation for why this is the case. Now there is. Sociologist Kelsy Kretschmer of Oregon State University (OSU) found that women who are not married tend to be more concerned about the social status of women as a group, which makes them more politically liberal and likely to vote Democrat than married women. Kretschmer told the American Sociological Association (ASA), Over 67 percent of never married women and 66 percent of divorced women perceive what happens to other women as having some or a lot to do with what happens in their own lives. Only 56.5 percent of married women hold the same views. Kretschmer presented the study, coauthored with OSU political scientist Christopher Stout and sociologist Leah Ruppanner of the University of Melbourne, at the August 2015 meeting of the ASA in Chicago. There, she explained that women who are not married are more likely to have a strong sense of linked fate, which is the belief that what happens in their own lives is connected to the social status of women as a group in society. This means they are more likely to believe that gender inequalitymanifested for instance in the gender pay gap, the gender wealth gap, and discrimination in education and the work placehas a significant impact on their own life chances. To conduct the study, the researchers drew from the 2010 American National Election Study and included data from women respondents 18 years and older, who they sorted as married, never married, divorced, or widowed. Using this data, they  found that a sense of linked fate has a significant impact on ones political orientation and behavior. Using statistical analysis the researchers were able to rule out income, employment, children, and views on gender roles and discrimination as factors that explain away the gap in political preference between married and unmarried women. A sense of linked fate is in fact the decisive variable. Kretschmer told the ASA that women with a sense of gendered linked fate, who tend to be unmarried, think in terms of what will benefit women as a group. This means that they are likely to support candidates who promote, and political measures for, things like wage equality, workplace protections for pregnancy and maternity leave, anti-domestic violence laws, and welfare expansion. Kretschmer and her colleagues were motivated to do this study because the concept of linked fate has been used by other sociologists to help explain why strong racialized voting patterns exist among Blacks and Latinos in the U.S., but not among other racial groups. The concept had never been used to examine political behavior among women, which is what makes the study and its results notable and important. The study also revealed that women who have never been married are more likely than those who are married to believe that is important to have women politicians, and that  married and widowed women demonstrated the same degrees of linked fate. The researchers pointed out that widowed women are likely to still be engaged in the marriage institution via things like a husbands pension or social security, so they tend to think and act more like women who are married than those who are not (never been, or divorced). While notable, its important to recognize that this study demonstrations a correlation between marriage status and a sense of linked fate, and not causation. At this point it is impossible to say whether linked fate influences whether or not a woman will get married, or if getting married can reduce or eliminate it. Its possible that future research will shed light on this, but what we can conclude, sociologically speaking, is that cultivating a sense of linked fate among women is necessary to making political and social change that advances equality.